Accelerated Trials Sentences Within a Policy of Protest Containment Following the January 2026 Uprising
The nationwide uprising of December 2025, which reached its peak in January 2026, was met with widespread street killings, harsh repression, and mass arrests. The ruling regime in Iran is now attempting to shift the second phase of this crackdown into prisons and courtrooms; a phase marked by accelerated indictments, expedited trials, and heavy sentences designed to prevent the emergence of another uprising in the streets.
The Formal Entry of Repression into the Judicial Phase
On 16 February 2026 (27 Bahman 1404), Gholamhossein Mohseni-Ejei, Head of the Judiciary of the ruling regime in Iran, referred to the cases of detainees from the nationwide protests and called for the acceleration of indictments against protesters. Referring to what he described as the “main elements of the riots,” he stated:
“We must not delay in issuing indictments related to the main elements of the riots.”
He added that the public expects their prosecution and punishment and that unjustified delay is unacceptable.
Endorsement at the Highest Level; Intensification of the Existing Trend
One day later, on 17 February 2026 (28 Bahman 1404), Ali Khamenei stated during a meeting in East Azerbaijan:
“Some were themselves the corruptors, seditionists, and coup plotters… If any of the main corrupt elements are still in the country and surely there are, they must be pursued, they must be punished, they must be tried; the nation is a claimant in this matter…”
The combination of accelerated indictments, restrictions on access to chosen legal counsel, and repeated emphasis on “decisive action” illustrates a transfer of repression from the streets to the courts, where heavy sentences serve a deterrent and intimidating function.
This synchronized messaging demonstrated that the acceleration of prosecutions is part of a consolidated line at the highest levels of power, reflecting fear of future uprisings.
Expedited Trials and Restrictions on Defense Rights
Following these statements, judicial proceedings that had already begun continued with increased speed and intensity. In numerous cases, the time between arrest and indictment has been short, and access to a lawyer of one’s choosing has been restricted. Court sessions have been held in compressed timeframes, and families have remained uninformed about procedural details.
The Case of Saleh Mohammadi; The First Confirmed Death Sentence
On 24 January 2026 (4 Bahman 1404), the Criminal Court of Qom sentenced Saleh Mohammadi, an 18-year-old wrestler, to qisas. He had been arrested on 14 January 2026 (25 Dey 1404). According to the ruling, the sentence is to be carried out publicly.
Saleh Mohammadi stated in court that his confessions had been obtained under severe torture. Nevertheless, the court relied on those confessions and issued its verdict without effective access to an independent lawyer and without allowing examination of evidence or the summoning of witnesses.
In its official statement dated 19 February 2026, Amnesty International called on Iranian authorities to immediately halt any plans to execute him. The organization stated that the judicial proceedings “bore no resemblance to a meaningful trial” and were based on forced confessions. Amnesty warned that at least 24 other protesters, including minors, face the risk of execution and emphasized that the authorities are using the death penalty to crush and deter dissent.
The Malard Trial; Escalation of Charges and Restriction of Defense
In another case in Malard County, Mohammad Abbasi was tried on charges related to the death of law enforcement officer Shahin Dehghani. During the session, in addition to the charge of “direct participation in murder,” accusations such as “spreading fear and terror” and “collaboration with hostile governments” were introduced, without transparent presentation of evidence.
The defendants were denied access to counsel of their choosing, and the court-appointed lawyer did not present an effective defense. Legal observers have described the proceedings as an example of expedited adjudication conducted in a securitized environment.
Official Figures; Thousands of Cases Underway
Alizadeh, spokesperson of the Judiciary, announced that more than 10,000 detainees from the Dey 1404 protests have been prosecuted. Asghar Jahangir stated that indictments have been issued for 10,538 individuals and that 8,843 cases have been prepared for or referred to court. These proceedings are ongoing in 31 provinces.
Judicial authorities even described the holding of more than 1,400 online court sessions in a single day as an “achievement of the judiciary of the system.”
Human rights sources estimate that the number of arrests exceeds 50,000.
The Case of Mohammad Javad Bakhshian; Rapid Indictment on Charges of “Moharebeh”
On 20 February 2026 (1 Esfand 1404), the Prosecutor of Hamedan Province announced that an indictment had been issued in the case related to Mohammad Javad Bakhshian and that the file had been referred to court “with speed and precision.”
Abbas Najafi stated that following the incident of 7 January 2026 (18 Dey 1404), the case was given priority status, and the suspect was arrested in the shortest possible time in Alborz Province. He further announced that the indictment had been issued on charges of “moharebeh” and “intentional murder” and submitted to the competent court.
The repeated emphasis on speed in completing investigations and issuing indictments comes without transparent information regarding interrogation procedures, access to independent legal counsel, or the defendant’s ability to mount an effective defense. The short timeframe between arrest and indictment raises concerns about adherence to fair trial guarantees.
This case falls within the same wave of expedited protest-related trials, where speed is highlighted while transparency and defense guarantees appear secondary.
Targeting Universities; Securitization of Academic Spaces
Universities were among the primary centers of mobilization during the uprising. In the weeks following the decline of street protests, arrests and summonses of students increased significantly, and numerous security cases were opened against student activists. These measures extended beyond participation in demonstrations to include union activities and even critical expression on social media.
Among those arrested was Amirreza Dastoorani, a physics and energy student at Amirkabir University of Technology, arrested on 27 January 2026 (7 Bahman 1404) in Tehran.
Mohammad Asadi, a medical student at Tabriz University, was arrested on 16 February 2026 (27 Bahman 1404). In Tehran, Nima Amiri, a 20-year-old graphic design student at Islamic Azad University, was arrested on 18 February 2026 (29 Bahman 1404). Taha Kazemi-Rad, a 21-year-old theater literature student at Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, was arrested on 10 February 2026 (22 Bahman 1404). In Karaj, Ali Safari, a student at the Applied Science University of Culture and Arts in Tehran and a theater actor, was arrested on 7 January 2026 (18 Dey 1404). The diversity of academic fields and universities indicates that the crackdown was not limited to a specific city or group.
Arrests extended beyond Tehran. From Mashhad to Isfahan, from Maragheh to Ilam and Yasuj, names such as Omidreza Heydari, Sahand Abbasnia, Roya Rastgar, Najmeh Amini, and Kian Ghasrebi appear among detainees, reflecting a nationwide scope.
Arrest and Prosecution of Children in the 2026 Protests
The crackdown extended to children and school students. Documented reports indicate that minors under 18 were not only arrested but, in some cases, transferred to juvenile correction centers and even adult prisons.
In a formal letter addressed to the Head of the Judiciary, Amnesty International stated that protest detainees, including children, are facing trials that fail to meet international fair trial standards. The organization warned that many may be sentenced to long prison terms or even execution based on forced confessions obtained under torture. Amnesty also highlighted the broadcasting of coerced confessions, including those of children, by state media and warned of the risk of a repeat of the post-2022 execution wave.
Transfer of Children to Adult Prisons
In Ahvaz, reports indicate that a group of elementary school students were transferred to Sheyban Central Prison. Holding children alongside prisoners convicted of serious crimes has raised serious concerns about their physical and psychological safety.
Specific Cases of Arrested Students
On 4 January 2026 (15 Dey 1404), students including Soha Davoudifar, Hessam Mohammadi, and Beniamin Mousavi were arrested along with dozens of other teenagers. The arrest of Ilya Akvaniyan (15) and Mahan Khoobani (16) drew widespread reaction and became symbolic of the targeting of adolescents.
In Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad Province, individuals including Mohammadmehdi Alipour, Amirmohammad Bakhtiari, Farid Alizadeh, Hossein Khajehyar, Erfan Bazdar, Reza Farhadi Sisaakht, Ahmadreza Khalighipour, Mohaddeseh Mohammadi, Shahla Ansarian, Sanaz Davoudi, Anahita Hekmatnia, Zahra Darman, Shahreh Nik-Eghbal, Ainaz Parvaneh, Farnoush Azar, Shaghayegh Zahedi, Hadis Shibaz, Elham Siavashi, Zahra Darfarin, Mojgan Forouzan, Yalda Pejvani, and Ghazal Hamzeh-Amaleh were transferred to the Yasuj Juvenile Correction and Rehabilitation Center. The exact ages of many remain unclear.
Arrests of children were reported in Tehran and Alborz, in Khorasan Razavi including Sabzevar, in Harsin where at least 100 schoolchildren were detained, and in Qom where at least 200 minors were transferred to prison without public disclosure of their identities.
Violated Obligations and Social Consequences
As a State Party to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, Iran is obligated to use detention of minors only as a last resort and for the shortest appropriate period, and to guarantee immediate access to legal counsel and family notification. Available evidence in protest-related cases indicates repeated failures to uphold these standards.
Securitization of Medical Care; Arrest of Physicians
Hospitals and medical centers also became sites of security intervention. Reports describe raids on hospitals, arrests of doctors and nurses, monitoring of surveillance systems, and pressure to refrain from treating injured protesters, undermining medical neutrality.
On 2 February 2026 (13 Bahman 1404), the newspaper Shargh published the identities of 25 detained doctors and nurses. In Isfahan, security forces raided Al-Zahra Hospital and arrested nurses Malek Shahbazi and Davoud Zamani. Continuous security presence has been reported in multiple hospitals.
Dr. Babak Zarabian, an infectious disease specialist at Milad Hospital in Isfahan, was arrested on 13 January 2026 (24 Dey 1404).
Dr. Alireza Rezaei, a urologist affiliated with Atieh Hospital in Tehran, was arrested in late January 2026 after leaving his clinic. Reports indicate he was beaten during arrest. The reported basis was providing medical care to injured protesters. Sources close to his family report that he faced an “espionage” charge.
The Head of the Medical Council confirmed that at least 17 cases of detained medical personnel had been reported.
Names of detained medical staff across provinces include Amir Khosravani, Amir Poursaleh, Fatemeh Afshari, Golnar Naraqi, Alireza Rezaei, Sobhan Esmaeilpour, Babak Pouramin, Ameneh Silmani, Mohammadali Jafarizadeh, Shamsi Abbasalizadeh, Masoud Ebadi-Fard, Parisa Parkar, Sobhan Esmaeildoost, Moein Moradian, Asghar Shakeri, Ghazal Omidi, Mohebat Ghafouri, Saber Dehghan, Ahmad Zeini, Hossein Karami, Ehsan Ahmadi, Ahmad Khosravi, and Fariba Hosseini.
International Reactions
The World Health Organization expressed “deep concern” regarding attacks and arrests of healthcare personnel. Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus stated:
“Health workers must never be threatened or detained for performing their humanitarian duties.”
Mai Sato, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Iran, reported receiving information about the arrest of injured protesters from hospitals and described it as a violation of the right to non-discriminatory access to healthcare.
Conclusion
What is unfolding after the Dey 1404 uprising is not a collection of isolated judicial cases. From death sentences against young protesters to thousands of expedited trials, from the arrest of students and minors to pressure on medical professionals, a coherent pattern is evident: the transfer of repression from the streets to the courts and its expansion into social institutions.
The acceleration of proceedings, reliance on contested confessions, threats of execution, and broad criminalization demonstrate that the judicial phase has become part of a systematic policy to increase the cost of protest and prevent future waves of dissent.
In the next installment, conditions of detention, prison overcrowding, interrogation methods, and allegations of torture will be examined in detail.
