Opposition to the death penalty, a significant global campaign, is gradually gaining traction in Iran. The “No to Executions Tuesdays” campaign, initiated by political prisoners in Ghezel Hesar Prison, has now expanded to 25 prisons across the country and is currently in its 44th week. This campaign has garnered widespread public support both inside and outside Iran, becoming a collective demand of the Iranian people.
However, the ruling regime, showing complete disregard for this public demand, has accelerated the pace of executions. Despite breaking its ten-year record in 2023, the regime is on track to surpass that record in 2024, with one month still remaining in the year. If this trend continues, a new and unprecedented record will be set.
In such circumstances, it is essential to scientifically analyze the theoretical foundations of rejecting and abolishing the death penalty. This requires shedding greater light on its sociological, legal, and ideological underpinnings. With this objective, we invited Dr. Aziz Fouladvand, an Iranian sociologist and Islamic scholar based in Germany, to address this subject. The articles, to be published in eight installments are the result of his rigorous academic research.
“Now I am a captive. My body is chained in a dark, damp cell, and my soul imprisoned in the shadow of a deadly thought… I am condemned to die, condemned to die! This doom is my only companion, haunting me relentlessly. My entire being is frozen by the chilling weight of it, my body bent under the crushing, unbearable burden…”
(“The Last Day of a Condemned Man”, Victor Hugo)
Written by Dr. Aziz Fouladvand
Part One
Public perception of the death penalty is both profoundly harrowing and deeply unsettling. Yet, totalitarian regimes perversely regard it as a “gift.” Cloaked in the rhetoric of maintaining order, combating “evildoers and disruptors,” and “preserving national security,” such regimes persistently escalate state violence and repression. Among the most striking contemporary examples of these barbaric practices is the theocratic regime in Iran. [1]
As state-sanctioned conduct and practices of this nature take root, society at large endures profound psychological torment. The conditions for violent behavior become increasingly pervasive, and “murder” is insidiously normalized through the most harrowing of methods. The state, which by modern standards is entrusted with safeguarding its citizens and fostering their psychological well-being, instead transforms into a vehicle for perpetuating violence and legitimizing murder. In doing so, the state abdicates its fundamental responsibility.
The machinery of state-sponsored killing fuels an unhealthy cycle of violence and perpetuates its reproduction. Within such an environment, the sanctity of human life, along with respect for dignity and honor, is desecrated. A pervasive sense of existential void and nihilism begins to spread, casting an ominous shadow of fear and insecurity over society, infiltrating the minds and souls of its citizens.
The death penalty not only fortifies this cycle of violence but also sends a chilling message to the public: that taking a human life is permissible and legitimate. This fosters a culture in which murder is normalized, and violence is cultivated. In such a climate, social interactions wither, empathy is extinguished, egoism and self-interest take root, and values such as tolerance and patience are supplanted by domination, exploitation, and subjugation. The heavy specters of anger and hatred extend their destructive reach, enveloping society in their oppressive shadow.
The global rejection and repudiation of the death penalty, which has garnered significant support in recent years, is rooted in a complex interplay of political, humanitarian, social, and class-based considerations. These dimensions, several of which are explored within this collection of articles, underscore the multifaceted reasons behind this growing consensus.
1. Lack of Deterrence
Some may assume that harsher punishments foster greater justice and that the severity of a crime necessitates equally severe penalties. However, does the death penalty genuinely ensure societal security? Does it effectively reduce crime rates? Numerous studies examining the impact of capital punishment yield results that are inconsistent with these assumptions. Indeed, substantial doubt surrounds the purported deterrent effect of the death penalty.[2] Moreover, research demonstrates that abolishing capital punishment in various countries has not led to an increase in crime rates.
Under the rule of the Velayat-e Faqih (absolute clerical rule) in Iran, the application of the death penalty for crimes such as premeditated murder, armed robbery, and drug-related offenses has failed to produce a significant decline in these crimes. On the contrary, social disorders have continued to escalate across all areas. Despite the implementation of capital punishment, crime rates for these offenses remain largely unaffected.
For over four decades in Iran, drug-related offenses have been met with the harshest penalties, including execution. Yet, according to official statistics, nearly half of those executed last year—approximately 400 individuals—were punished for drug-related crimes. This stark reality underscores the ineffectiveness of the death penalty as a deterrent. Proponents of the death penalty have repeatedly failed to substantiate claims of its deterrent power, which have been consistently refuted and proven untenable.
The Rise of Executions and Crime Under the Mullah’s Regime
In 2023, 74% of all recorded executions worldwide took place in Iran[3]. The number of executions recorded in the first ten months of 2024 exceeded that of the same period the previous year. In October 2024, nearly 170 people were executed – 85% more than the 92 executions recorded in October 2023. From early August 2024, when Masoud Pezeshkian took office as the regime’s president, to November 15, over 450 prisoners were executed in just three and a half months. This marks a more than 100% increase compared to the same period in 2023, when 222 prisoners were executed.
The death penalty has failed to address the persistent issue of drug-related crimes. Official reports indicate rising addiction rates, a troubling decrease in the age of onset, and an escalation in drug trafficking activities. Public sentiment, shaped by daily experience, further reinforces this reality; the general perception is that the country has not become any safer. Moreover, there is a conspicuous lack of scientific evidence to substantiate the claim that executions serve as effective deterrents. On the contrary, even the regime’s authorities acknowledge that capital punishment has neither curbed criminal behavior nor prevented violent offenses, which, alarmingly, have continued to increase.[4]
[1] In the current text of Iran’s Islamic Penal Code, the following punishments are mentioned:
– Rajm=”Stoning” (6 times),
– “Retribution” (Qisas) (398 times),
– “Hadd” (109 times) and its plural form “Hudud” (22 times),
– “Execution” (20 times),
– “Moharebeh” (waging war against God) (10 times),
– “Corruption on Earth” (6 times),
– “Rebellion” and “Rebel” (Baghi) (3 times),
– “Crucifixion” (once).
[2] According to the Death Penalty Information Center, most studies conducted by prestigious U.S. universities, such as Yale University, the University of Michigan, and the University of Pennsylvania, have shown no correlation between the application of the death penalty and a reduction in murder rates. A 2023 study further revealed that halting the use of the death penalty in certain U.S. states has not led to an increase in murder rates.
[3] Radio Farda, May 21, 2024, quoting Amnesty International:
[4] Legal studies conducted within Iran have also confirmed this truth, stating that, “The death penalty has had a negative impact on crime reduction.”
https://civilica.com/doc/669796/certificate/print
The views, opinions, and conclusions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views or position of this website.
